利用动物考古学研究复杂社会：贸易、社会地位与种族分析

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《Crabtree的动物园考古学与复杂社会：利用动物遗存研究贸易、社会地位及种族身份》是一篇由Pam J. Crabtree撰写的文章，收录于1990年的《考古方法与理论》(Archaeological Method and Theory)第二卷，页码范围155-205。该论文发表在Springer出版社，稳定链接为http://www.jstor.org/stable/20170207，访问日期为2010年4月5日。在这篇文章中，Crabtree探讨了动物园考古学在理解古代社会复杂性方面的独特作用。她提出，通过分析动物遗存（zooarchaeology），即对遗址中发现的动物骨骼、牙齿和其他相关化石的研究，可以揭示社会结构、经济活动以及文化互动的深层次信息。以下几点是文章的核心知识点： 1. **动物遗存的考古价值**：作为考古学的重要组成部分，动物遗存不仅提供食物来源和生活方式的线索，还能揭示社区间的贸易网络。通过对不同种类和数量的动物遗存分析，学者可以推测出古代社会对特定动物的需求，进而推断出商品交换的可能性。 2. **社会等级的标识**：动物遗存的处理方式和保存状况可以反映社会地位的差异。比如，某些珍贵或稀有动物的骨头可能只有贵族或祭司才能享用，或者被精心埋葬，这都是社会等级制度的体现。 3. **民族身份与象征**：特定动物的发现可能与某个族群的文化传统和信仰有关，因此，动物遗存的分布和仪式化处理可以揭示民族认同和文化习俗。 4. **技术与知识的交流**：动物遗存的多样性和传播可能反映出技术知识的传播路径，尤其是跨地域的技术共享，这对于理解古代社会间的交流和互动至关重要。 5. **环境适应与资源管理**：动物遗存的类型和变化可以揭示古代社会对周围环境的依赖程度，以及他们如何管理和利用自然资源，这有助于理解生态系统的演变和人类活动的影响。 6. **考古实践中的伦理考量**：Crabtree强调，在进行动物园考古时必须遵守学术规范，确保对遗址和资源的合法使用，并尊重版权，如JSTOR的使用条款所规定。《Crabtree的动物园考古学与复杂社会》这篇文章深入剖析了动物遗存作为考古研究工具在探索古代社会复杂性方面的潜力，包括社会结构、经济互动、文化符号和环境适应等方面，为我们提供了丰富的历史视角和深度解读。

162

Pam

Crabtree

the

end

of the

bone

becomes

permanently

fused

the

shaft.

Since

the

long

bone

epiphyses

usually

fuse

set

sequence

for

each

species,

the

proportions

fused

and

unfused

epiphyses

for

each

anatomical element

can

used

reconstruct

animal

kill

patterns.

The

actual

age

years

which this fusion takes

place

can

influ

enced

factors such

nutrition, castration,

and

breed,

but the

sequence

of fusion

relatively

consistent

for each

species.

Unfortu

nately,

once

bone

growth

ceases,

epiphyseal

fusion

cannot

be used

aging

tool;

that

is,

cannot

be used

distinguish

mature

from

elderly

and senile individuals.

This

has led

the

increased

use

dental data for

reconstruction

age

profiles.

Most

mammals

have

two

sets

of teeth:

deciduous,

milk

teeth,

and

permanent teeth,

which

replace

the

deciduous teeth

set

sequence.

The

age

death

for

juvenile

mandibles

can

estimated

quite closely

based

the

degree

which the deciduous teeth have

been

replaced by

the

permanent

ones.

For

adult mandibles

(those

with

fully erupted

permanent

dentitions)

general

age

estimates

can

be based

the

degree

wear seen on

the

permanent

teeth.

Sequences

wear

stages

mandibular teeth have been defined for

the

main

Old

World

domestic mammals

(Payne

1973;

Grant

1975,

1982;

Bull and

Payne

1982;

Deniz

and

Payne

1982;

see

also

Hillson

1986:201-23).

For

mammals with

relatively

high-crowned

teeth,

measurements

of dental

crown

heights

also

can

be used

construct

harvest

profiles

(Klein

al.

1981,

1983).

The

dental

crown

height

technique

has

not

been

commonly

used

the

analysis

faunal

assemblages

from

complex

societies.

Using

aging

data,

Wapnish

and Hesse

(1988)

have

proposed

three

models for the

production

and

consumption

domestic animal

sources,

based

largely

their

own

Near Eastern

research:

(1)

self-contained

economy

animals

are

both

produced

and

consumed

locally.

Harvest

profiles

should include all

age

classes,

"all of

the

mortality

experienced

domestic

herd"

(Wapnish

and Hesse

1988:84). (2)

consuming

economy

animals raised

locally

are

sup

plemented by

animals

acquired

from

pastoral

specialists.

Harvest

profiles

should include

abundance

market-age

animals

(for

sheep

and

goats,

animals

between

1.5

and

2.5

years)

and

relatively

few

animals of

reproductive

age.

(3)

Producing

economies

will

yield

very

different harvest

profiles.

Producer

sites

should

include

the

mains

of neonatal

mortalities and accidental and disease-related

deaths,

well

older

animals culled from the

breeding

stock.

Zooarchaeology

and

Complex

Societies

163

Similar

models

have

been

proposed

for

prehistoric

and

early

his

toric

Europe.

For

example,

Maltby

(1981:182)

has

suggested

that

Romano-British urban and

military

sites

were

provisioned

with

beef

from

particular

age

groups

cattle,

primarily

mature

individuals.

Other

settlements,

such

rural

sites,

"may

have been

self

sufficient

and

therefore

their

deposits

included

higher

percentage

immature

cattle

not

required

for

breeding

working

but

also

not

demand

for redistribution

other

centers"

(Maltby 1981:182).

Harvest

profiles

for domestic stock from

urban

sites

Europe

and

the

Near

East

reveal

range

different

economic

strategies.

the

urban

site

of Tal-e

Malyan

western

Iran,

harvest

profiles

based

dental

eruption

and

wear

and

epiphyseal

fusion

show

emphasis

two-to-three-year-old

sheep

and

goats

during

the Banesh

Phase

?3400-2800

b.c.).

This

optimal

age

for

meat

yield

(Zeder

1988a:21)

and

strongly

indicates that the residents of

Malyan

were

being

provisioned

with animals

selected

age

classes

(Wapnish

and

Hesse's

consumer

economy

model).

Not

all

Near Eastern

urban

sites

reveal

such

clear

consumer

pat

tern.

Tell

Jemmeh,

Middle

Bronze

Age (1750-1650

b.c.)

urban

site in

the

Levant,

Wapnish

and

Hesse

(1988:91)

found

that between

and 75

percent

the

sheep

and

goats

were

slaughtered

just

before

the

age

one,

and that

the remainder

were

killed

about

five

years

age.

This

pattern

differs from both

hypothesized

consumer

and

producer

models. The

aging

distribution

resembles the harvest

profile

that

one

might

expect

from

herders who

were

raising

sheep

and

goats

for milk

production

(Payne 1973).

dairy

herd,

excess

young,

particularly

males,

are

slaughtered during

the

first

year.

Most

of the adult

animals

are

females.

Tell

Jemmeh,

measurement

studies

indicated that

the

majority

of the animals that

survived

than

one

year

were

females

(Wapnish

and Hesse 1988:

92-93).

The

distinctive

harvest

profile

seen

Tell

Jemmeh

led

Wapnish

and

Hesse

suggest

that

sheep

and

goats

must

have been

raised and

consumed

the

immediate

vicinity

of the

site.

There

was no

evi

dence

for the

export

import

stock.

European

medieval

sites

also have

produced

evidence for

the

provi

sioning

town

dwellers with

animals of

selected

age

classes. The

early

medieval

(eleventh-

fourteenth-century)

contexts at

Exeter

England

(Maltby 1979:89)

produced

large

numbers of

sheep

killed

during

the second

year

life,

suggesting

that adolescent

sheep

were

being

sent

market

Exeter. One

might

expect

find

very

differ

164

Pam

Crabtree

ent

age

distribution

the

producer

sites

that

supplied

the

Exeter

markets.

These

sites

most

likely

include

higher

number of

neonatal

animals

and

old

senescent

animals that

were

not

regularly

sent to

market.

Unfortunately,

however,

Maltby

(1985:64)

has

noted,

"the

Exeter

data

still stand

isolation,

as no

assemblages

from

neighbor

ing

settlements have become

available

for

comparison."

clear

that

must

examine

both

large

urban

sites

and the

small rural

sites

that

surround

them if

are

use

faunal

remains

study

the

process

exchange

of animal

products

between

rural

producers

and

urban

consumers.

Wattenmaker and

Stein's

(1986)

study

the faunal

assemblages

from the middle-to-late

Early

Bronze

Age

sites

Kurban

small

town)

and

Gritille

village)

southeastern

Turkey

represents

one

the few

attempts

compare

aging

distributions

contemporary

rural and urban

sites.

Wattenmaker and

Stein

found

broad

similarities between the

aging profiles

for

sheep

and

goats

the

two

sites

and concluded

that "the faunal

remains

provide

evidence for

the

exchange

of livestock

between

villages

and

towns

.. .

there

evidence that

the

rural

sector

(i.e.,

Gritille)

systematically

supplied

larger

centers

with

animals"

(1986:94).

The above

examples

suggest

that

may

see

varying

degrees

interaction

between

emerging

urban

centers

and

the

surrounding

countryside,

least

far

animal

production

concerned. The

"specialized,

administered

economic

relations"

(Zeder

1988a:7)

that

characterize

early

urban societies

not

necessarily

extend

the

production

and distribution

of animals and animal

products.

final

example

will

serve

illustrate this

problem

reverse.

the

Iron

Age

hill

fort of

Danebury

southern

England,

Grant

(

1984a)

found

that

high

proportion

the

sheep

and

goats

were

killed

dur

ing

the

second

year

life,

kill

pattern

similar

that

seen

medieval

Exeter. Grant

(1984b:

180)

argued

that

since

high

numbers

second-year

mortalities

are seen

presumably

self-sufficient

sites

such

Danebury,

the

kill

patterns

Exeter

should

not

regarded

evidence

for

exchange

animal

products.

alternative

explanation

possible.

While there has

been

strong

tendency

view Iron

Age

settlements

self-sufficient

communities,

number

of lines of evidence

point

the

essentially

urban

character of

many

of the

larger

hill

forts

and

oppida

(Celtic towns).

his

pioneering

analysis

the

site

of Maiden

Castle

southern

Britain,

Wheeler

(1943)

demonstrated

that these settlements share

many

characteris

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