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Computer Security and Privacy in the Interactions Between Victim Service
Providers and Human Trafficking Survivors
Christine Chen
Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science & Engineering
University of Washington
Nicola Dell
The Jacobs Institute
Cornell Tech
Franziska Roesner
Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science & Engineering
University of Washington
Abstract
A victim service provider, or VSP, is a crucial partner in a
human trafficking survivor’s recovery. VSPs provide or con-
nect survivors to resources such as medical care, legal ser-
vices, employment opportunities, etc. In this work, we study
VSP-survivor interactions from a computer security and pri-
vacy perspective. Through 17 semi-structured interviews
with staff members at VSPs and survivors of trafficking, we
surface the role technology plays in VSP-survivor interac-
tions as well as related computer security and privacy con-
cerns and mitigations. Our results highlight various tensions
that VSPs must balance, including building trust with their
clients (often by giving them as much autonomy as possible)
while attempting to guide their use of technology to mitigate
risks around revictimization. We conclude with concrete rec-
ommendations for computer security and privacy technolo-
gists who wish to partner with VSPs to support and empower
trafficking survivors.
1 Introduction
Human trafficking is a crime in which a perpetrator, or “traf-
ficker”, preys on vulnerable individuals through atrocities
such as sexual exploitation, forced labor, or the removal of
organs [30]. As a conservative estimate, around 24.9 mil-
lion individuals worldwide are being exploited in this man-
ner [16]. Technology is playing an increasing role in this
ecosystem, from enabling trafficking via online platforms
(e.g., [2, 18]) to aiding in the detection and halting of traf-
ficking (e.g., [6, 25]).
In this work, we focus on a previously understudied role
that technology plays in the human trafficking ecosystem:
technology in the interactions between trafficking survivors
and organizations known as victim service providers, or
VSPs. VSPs exist to support their clients by providing re-
sources such as temporary shelter, help with employment
and legal issues, and mental health support. In this work,
we focus on VSPs providing resources to individuals who
are exiting or recovering from a trafficking situation. These
resources are critical in protecting these individuals from for-
mer or future exploiters (“revictimization”).
Our research is driven by the following questions: How do
VSPs communicate and interact with their clients (trafficking
survivors), and, particularly, what role does technology play
in that interaction? What are VSPs’ computer security con-
cerns and threat models, both for themselves and on behalf of
their clients? What technical (or non-technical) strategies do
they use to mitigate these concerns? And, ultimately, what
opportunities exist to better safeguard VSPs and their clients
from a computer security perspective?
To investigate these questions, we conducted a qualitative
interview study with 17 participants, including staff mem-
bers at VSPs and several trafficking survivors. We analyzed
these interviews using thematic analysis common in qualita-
tive research. Our findings shed light on the general role of
technology in VSP-survivor interactions (Section 4.1), the
computer security concerns and threat models of VSPs and
their clients (Section 4.2), and the corresponding defenses,
where present (Section 4.3). We identify fundamental ten-
sions and challenges that must be taken into account by tech-
nologists who wish to improve VSP and client security and
privacy (Section 5).
At a high level, we find that VSPs make technology-
related choices with the goals of protecting their clients from
revictimization and other harm. Specific instances of how
VSPs protect clients include helping clients lock down social
media accounts and enforcing shelter rules restricting photos
or social media posts (that may reveal the shelter’s location).
We also find that, sometimes, the most effective means for
VSPs and their clients to interact are not the most conducive
to client safety. For example, despite the potential risk of
trafficker-compromised accounts, some VSPs use Facebook
to communicate with clients because it provides a reliable
way to reach them even in the absence of cellular service.
More generally, we find that our participants must balance
building client trust and maintaining contact with imposing
technology-related client safety rules.
From findings such as these, we distill concrete recom-
mendations for those in the computer security and privacy
community, and for technologists at large, wishing to help
support survivor-VSP relationships. For example, we pro-
vide guidelines on securing communications in situations
when the client’s device is compromised by an adversary
with physical access and raise awareness around the threat
posed to survivors by publicly available information (e.g.,
public records) online. In investigating the interactions be-
tween survivors of human trafficking and VSPs from a com-
puter security and privacy perspective, our work contributes
to the larger push to leverage technology for good in the fight
against human trafficking.
2 Background and Related Work
There is a growing body of research examining the role of
technology in both facilitating and fighting human traffick-
ing (e.g., [2, 12, 17–19, 24]). In the computer science com-
munity in particular, prior work has developed technology
to aid investigators in examining online sex ads and online
forums for trafficking activity [6, 25].
Focusing on the victim service provider ecosystem, there
has been research that explores the ways anti-trafficking
organizations utilize technology to collaborate with each
other [29] as well as efforts within the VSP community
to leverage technology in providing help to trafficking vic-
tims [20]. Work outside of the technical realm has examined
how survivors of trafficking [4] or domestic violence [13]
experience and react to the assistance provided by VSPs.
Beyond human trafficking, the computer security and pri-
vacy community has studied other specific (often at-risk)
populations, including journalists [22], refugees [28], and
undocumented immigrants [14]. Most relevant to our work
is research studying computer security and privacy for sur-
vivors of intimate partner violence [5, 10, 11, 21]. Where
relevant, we highlight similarities between our findings with
these prior studies on related populations.
In this work, we focus on an aspect of the human traf-
ficking ecosystem that has not been rigorously studied from
an academic, technical perspective: the interactions between
VSPs and trafficking survivors. We ask, from a computer
security and privacy perspective: how does technology en-
able or hinder these relationships, and how do VSPs and their
clients consider and mitigate the potential technology-related
risks that may undermine the survivor’s path to recovery?
3 Methodology
Between March and July 2018, we conducted 17 semi-
structured interviews with staff members at victim service
provider organizations and several trafficking survivors.
Recruitment. Recruitment took place through several
primary methods: introductions facilitated by community
members and anti-trafficking leaders, the authors’ personal
connections, and snowball sampling. Our recruitment adver-
tisements specified that we were looking for advocates who
work with labor trafficking and/or sex trafficking survivors
to speak about how they use technology in their work. We
also specified that participants would be compensated $30.
Participants. Table 1 provides an overview of the 17 study
participants. The 17 participants represented 11 different or-
ganizations; survivors P14 and P17 were not affiliated with
a specific organization at the time of the study. 16 partici-
pants were based in the U.S. and one participant was based
in a Southeast Asian country. Most participants were based
in urban areas.
As Table 1 shows, most participants currently focus on
serving survivors of sex trafficking (though some partici-
pants may have previously helped labor trafficking survivors
as well). To avoid confusion, we do our best throughout this
paper to call out results that are specific to interactions with
labor trafficking survivors or sex trafficking survivors. Fi-
nally, to be clear, note that some of the participants who fo-
cus on sex trafficking survivors naturally also serve individ-
uals in the sex trade who may not technically fall within the
parameters of sex trafficking (e.g. individuals who claim to
be in the sex trade voluntarily).
Study Protocol. The interviews ran between 60-90 min-
utes. We began with groundwork questions to understand the
participant’s role in supporting clients and general thoughts
on technology’s influence on the trafficking ecosystem. We
then asked questions that would help surface how VSPs use
technology in their interactions with clients and what, if
any, concerns exist around this technology usage. We asked
about participants’ experiences with technology with regards
to first contact with clients, client intake, organization and
client safety, and day-to-day interactions. To avoid priming
participants to overemphasize their computer security and
privacy concerns, most questions focused generally on tech-
nology in client-VSP interactions and related concerns but
did not mention computer security and privacy in particular.
Finally, we showed participants two prototypes for se-
cure communication (created by others): single-use URLs
(a URL that leads to sensitive content, which gets changed
to innocuous content when the same URL is accessed again)
and disappearing messages [1, 8, 9]. Our goal was to elicit
reactions and threat models using these concrete examples,
not to propose these particular technologies as perfect solu-
tions. To avoid participants giving inflated positive responses
towards the tools (participant response bias), we stated these
goals clearly for participants and also stated that we did not
make the tools. We asked questions like: When, if at all,
might you use this? How could it be helpful? How could
it introduce more risk? The full interview protocol can be
found in Appendix A.
ID Job Title Focus Client Nationality
Client Age
P1 Advocate, Survivor Leader Sex Trafficking Domestic Adult
P2 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic Adult
P3 Director Sex Trafficking Domestic All
P4 Director Sex Trafficking Domestic Youth, TAY
P5 Advocate Labor Trafficking International Adult
P6 Director Sex Trafficking Domestic All
P7 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic Youth, TAY
P8 Advocate Labor and Sex Trafficking Domestic, International All
P9 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic Youth, TAY
P10 Advocate, Survivor Leader Sex Trafficking Domestic Youth, TAY (to 25)
P11 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic Youth, TAY (to 30)
P12 Advocate Labor and Sex Trafficking International Adult
P13 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic, International TAY
P14 Survivor Leader Sex Trafficking N/A N/A
P15 Advocate Sex Trafficking Domestic, International did not disclose
P16 Director Labor and Sex Trafficking Domestic, International Adult
P17 Survivor Leader Sex Trafficking N/A N/A
Table 1: Summary of Participants. Advocates support clients one-on-one, Directors oversee the VSP’s human trafficking
services (managing advocates as well as interacting with clients), and Survivor Leaders are survivors of trafficking (in this
case, sex trafficking) who are raising awareness and leading trainings on the issue. Transition age youth (TAY) are individuals
between the ages of 16 and 24 [32]; where specified, participants also worked with clients slightly outside of this range.
Ethical Considerations. Our study was declared exempt by
the University of Washington human subjects review board
(IRB). We obtained informed consent from participants to
conduct and (optionally) to audio record the interview. As
the interviews could touch on highly sensitive topics (espe-
cially for survivors), we ensured that participants knew that
they could skip questions and request a break at any time.
We also emphasized that participants should provide only as
much detail in their answers as they felt comfortable with.
All electronic files were password protected, and physical
consent forms and notes were stored in a secure location.
Data Analysis. We continued conducting interviews until
no new themes emerged (saturation). We analyzed the data
thematically using a common methodology for qualitative
data [3]. We conducted multiple passes through the data
in which we iteratively identified and clustered themes, or
codes, present in the data. Two researchers independently
read through transcripts of several interviews, generated an
initial set of codes, met in person to develop an initial code-
book, and iteratively refined this codebook by applying it to
additional interviews. Once the codebook was finalized, two
researchers divided up the remaining interviews and coded
them. We emphasize that the nature of our data is qualita-
tive, not quantitative, so we do not report on raw numbers of
participants who made certain statements in the results.
4 Results
We now turn to our results. After providing an overview
of the general practices our participants and their orga-
nizations use in interacting with trafficking survivors, we
will present the security and privacy concerns and mitiga-
tion strategies — and tensions and challenges — that arise in
these interactions. We use the terms “survivor” and “client”
interchangeably, depending on the context and following the
norms described by our participants during the interviews.
At times, we also use the term “victim” and note that VSP
clients may not be fully removed from a trafficking situation
when they are receiving services.
4.1 Client-VSP Interactions
This section provides background and context for the more
in-depth security and privacy discussions in later sections.
4.1.1 Role of VSPs
Though VSPs may help trafficking victims escape their sit-
uations, their primary role is to help clients with the many
challenges they face on the path to stability, including look-
ing for employment, applying for housing, dealing with le-
gal matters, and coping with severe trauma. Importantly, as
we investigate in this paper, VSPs protect clients and train
clients to protect themselves from revictimization into a traf-
ficking situation.
Some of our participants work at VSPs that provide shelter
for clients. These arrangements range from emergency shel-
ters (with very low barrier to entry — e.g., a client can stay
even if he or she is on drugs) to long-term homes (where the
client must be committed to actively working towards goals
and self-sustainability). As we discuss in Section 4.3, shelter
locations are sometimes confidential to help protect clients.
As an overarching challenge in providing services to
clients, participants described the delicate balance they must
walk between building trust with their clients — so that they
can best advise and maintain contact with them — and doing
what they believe is best for the client. As clients have left (or
as they are in the process of deciding whether to leave) a sit-
uation where they have had little control over their lives, par-
ticipants often talked about how crucial it is to give clients as
much autonomy as possible. For example, P13 talked about
working with clients who want to find a job. While she would
like her clients to go to school, she does not force her idea
of what would be best on the client. Throughout out results,
we will see this tension recur in the context of technology-
related guidelines and choices that VSPs are hesitant to push
on their clients.
4.1.2 First Contact
Clients typically make their first contact with VSPs through
referrals — e.g., from law enforcement, schools, or other
VSPs — or via a phone hotline. Hotlines may receive emer-
gency calls, playing a similar role to 9-1-1 for clients and
trafficking victims. For example, P7 described answering
hotline calls from individuals who are running for their lives
at the moment, and P8 talked about how they will dispatch a
Lyft or Uber to a caller who has just escaped.
Dispersal and discovery of hotline numbers happens in a
variety of ways. Beyond relying on word of mouth (a com-
mon method), participants talked about posters with the hot-
line number placed in public locations such as hospitals, train
stations, and rest stops. One organization has their hotline
number on a local Spanish TV channel. Another mode of
dispersal is through personal items (e.g., soap, essential oil,
hats, etc.) handed out to at-risk individuals (e.g. farm work-
ers) with the hotline number hidden discreetly on the object.
For individuals still in trafficking situations, calling the
hotline can be dangerous (if the individual is constantly be-
ing monitored by their trafficker) or even impossible (if the
individual does not have a device). In these situations, par-
ticipants described the ingenuity of their clients in finding
ways to access technology to get help. For example, one of
P16’s labor trafficking clients saved up enough money from
tips to buy a burner phone from a gas station. While the
burner phone did not have the capability to connect to the
Internet, he had seen a hotline number earlier and committed
it to memory. As another example:
P8: I’ve had a few clients who, in escaping...
[were] able to get access to a hidden phone or
discretely (on an app that their trafficker isn’t
aware...is a messaging app)...send messages to a
friend who helps them get help...
From advocates who work with sex trafficking survivors,
we heard how clients will search the web for help:
P2: We’ve had a couple people. I’m like, “How did
you learn about us?” She goes, “I googled prosti-
tutes [city].”
At the same time, participants worried that lack of technical
expertise could make it challenging for clients to find help
online. For example:
P1: I think what people have a hard time with is
search words. I think people don’t understand how
Google works, and how to search for things.
Mention of direct outreach by VSPs to potential clients
was rare, but one participant uses the phone numbers in on-
line sex ads to conduct text message campaigns to contact in-
dividuals who might want help leaving. Another participant,
P3, said that her organization reaches out to people who like
the organization’s Facebook page to see if they need help.
4.1.3 Continued Communication
Our participants typically communicate with clients via
phone calls, SMS, social media (e.g., Facebook), email, and
in person. Participants generally talked of using the com-
munication method that their clients feel most comfortable
with. P16 described how digital communication can help
put clients at ease.
P16: I find that many of our clients are more com-
fortable engaging through technology because it’s
less raw. It’s a step removed in some ways...
Communication methods that work over WiFi were often
mentioned as important, as clients may not be able to afford
reliable cellular service or even a reliable device:
P2: A client right now has a phone. It’s not con-
nected to any service, but she can connect to WiFi,
so she and I can use Facebook Messenger instead
of texting. That’s true for a lot of our clients, be-
cause phones get turned off and on all the time,
numbers change all the time. I can still reach them
on Facebook, on Facebook Messenger. You can
log in to any computer or any phone to access it.
As we will discuss further in Section 4.3, participants’ and
their clients’ threat models also influence their choice of
communication method.
4.2 Threat Models and Security Concerns
We now turn specifically to the threat models and computer
security related concerns voiced by our participants, both for
themselves as individuals and representatives of their organi-
zations, and on behalf of their clients. We found that many of
the security concerns or goals that our participants voiced ul-
timately revolved around preventing revictimization and pro-
tecting the physical safety of clients and VSPs. In this work,
we focus primarily on technology-related issues, but high-
light other concerns as well where necessary for context.
4.2.1 Trafficker as Primary Adversary
The most common adversary for VSPs and clients were the
clients’ former trafficker(s) or potential future trafficker(s).
Compromising Online Accounts and Communications.
VSP clients’ communications may be compromised by traf-
fickers, either digitally or via physical access. In many cases,
traffickers have access to account credentials directly. P5,
who works with labor trafficking survivors, described one
tactic traffickers use to gain such access and alludes to the
way low digital literacy can harm international and/or labor
trafficking victims:
P5: What if their trafficker has access to their email
or helped them set up the email account. Just the
client never knew that and now I’m communicat-
ing with the client and [the trafficker] is reading
our information?...I feel with our clients, they’re
just so vulnerable and a lot of them were brain-
washed...using a cell phone or using Facebook, a
lot of them, their traffickers opened the account for
them and they think, “Oh he was just being helpful.
He wanted me to communicate with my family.”
Traffickers may also compromise or intercept communica-
tions via physical access to clients’ devices. For example, in
the sex trafficking ecosystem:
P7: I’ve had different guys that’ll pick up [my
clients’] phone and pretend to be them, go through
their messages.
Despite the risk that a trafficker might physically see or
digitally intercept communication intended for a victim, P1
weighed such risks against the benefits of reaching traffick-
ing victims in her text outreach work. Note that the term
“pimp” is another way of referring to the trafficker.
P1: And I don’t think it’s at the expense of the
victim, okay? I think, people ask this question be-
cause they’re like, “Well don’t you think that their
pimp is gonna beat them up because they got this
message?” Potentially. 100% yes...It’s either, I
get information out there that will potentially give
them an out, or they just don’t get anything.
Tracking Location. Another concern was traffickers track-
ing down former victims after their escape. P16 has had
clients who found GPS trackers on their cars; P7 described
the use of tracking apps on phones:
P7: It’s usually...through [the victims’] device be-
cause most of the pimps get [the device], so they
have the family tracking, different apps and stuff
like that...One of my girls has shown me that they
can pull it up on their computer and you can see
where all of [the victims] are at one time.
Using Online Information to Track Down Survivors.
Even if a survivor’s devices or accounts are not directly com-
promised, participants worried about the use of online public
information to track down survivors. This fear is exacerbated
by the fact that the trafficker often knows key information
(like birth date, social security number, etc.) that allows ac-
cess even to protected information.
For example, P14 is herself a survivor, and she general-
ized from her own experiences the ways traffickers can uti-
lize public information to relocate survivors. Specifically,
she explained that traffickers can find where survivors have
moved by searching publicly available Department of Motor
Vehicles (DMV) records; they can use survivors’ addresses
and social security numbers to access and potentially lock
them out of their own bank accounts; and they can then track
survivors’ activities by observing the details of bank transac-
tions.
As another example, P17 described being found via med-
ical records and an old Facebook page she had thought was
gone. P16 talked about how shared rewards systems (like
grocery rewards cards) can reveal to a trafficker where a sur-
vivor is shopping and what they are purchasing.
Undermining VSP Operations. Participants also discussed
the ways that traffickers seek to undermine the efforts of
VSPs. P7 talked about traffickers hanging out near VSPs
to recruit, and P16 talked about a trafficker sending a victim
into a survivor program to recruit others directly. P2 men-
tioned that traffickers have called her organization’s hotline
looking for survivors.
For shelters where the location is confidential, participants
described various ways in which this confidentiality could
be compromised. A common concern, for example, was that
people living in the shelter might accidentally reveal its loca-
tion (or the location of shelter guests) to traffickers via pic-
tures or other posts on social media. P14 felt that location
confidentiality was a challenging, if not impossible, goal:
P14: ...how confidential really is any kind of build-
ing? I mean, you’re gonna see it on Google Maps
eventually. Whether or not you see it this year or
three years from now when they do their next pic-
ture, you’re gonna see it. So it’s not gonna be nec-
essarily confidential for long.
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