20 SINGAPORE CYBER LANDSCAPE 2022 SINGAPORE CYBER LANDSCAPE 2022 21
known for leaking data obtained from the
Chinese Communist Party) and hundreds of
thousands of netizens to take up digital arms
in support of Ukraine.
Since then, other hacker groups have also
taken sides. Pro-Russia hacktivist groups,
such as Killnet, rallied against countries they
felt were acting in an “unfriendly” manner
towards Russia – including but not limited to
the US, Germany, UK, Italy, Spain, Norway and
Japan.
Over the past year, reports of hacktivist
activities have continued at a brisk pace. In
their attempts to shape the global narrative
and discourse about the war, hacktivists have
engaged in a series of disruptive Distributed
Denial-of-Service (DDoS) attacks and hack-
and-leak campaigns targeting both public and
private organisations from military entities and
government ministries, to energy, banking,
and even healthcare institutions.
But this rise of hacktivism is not without risks.
As non-state actors, hacktivists often lack
the coordination and discipline to prevent
collateral damage or unintended effects on
uninvolved parties. For example, in March
2023, hacker group Anonymous claimed credit
for an attack on the servers of Russian radio
stations and TV channels to broadcast fake
air raid warnings in at least 10 cities, inducing
panic among Russian civilians.
Some researchers have also observed
hacktivist activities taking a more dangerous
turn over the course of the war. Beyond DDoS
attacks and data leaks, some hacktivists
are employing ransomware and destructive
malware on critical infrastructure to disrupt
essential services. For instance, pro-Ukraine
hacktivist group NB65 claims to have used
Conti’s leaked ransomware in a series of
attacks to disrupt the operations of Russian
entities. However, other researchers have
noted that that the impact of hacktivist
activities still pales in comparison to military
campaigns and is unlikely to signicantly shift
the course of the war.
IMPLICATIONS
Regardless of their direct impact,
the involvement of hacktivists has
increased the level of unpredictability
and instability of the cyber landscape
amidst the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
Any serious cyber incident triggered
by the hacktivists may inadvertently
escalate the conict – or be used as
a pretext by either side for escalation.
Globally, the resurgence of hacktivism
poses an increased risk of collateral
damage and unintended effects on
uninvolved countries. As the conict
enters its second year, organisations
are reminded to remain vigilant, and take
the necessary actions to review their
security preparedness and strengthen
their cybersecurity posture.
Role of Big Tech
The conict has also been characterised by
the unprecedented involvement of “Big Tech”
companies.
The impact of Big Tech is highly visible in our
everyday lives. They supply technology and
platforms used daily by billions of individuals
and organisations around the world. However,
in the arena of geopolitics – traditionally the
domain of nation states – Big Tech has often
opted to remain in the background, avoiding
the need to pick sides to minimise losses to
its bottom line.
This was not the case in the Russia-Ukraine
conict. Over the past year, many Big Tech
companies have publicly and actively taken
sides, demonstrating their support for Ukraine
in various ways. Many, including Google, IBM
and Microsoft, announced the suspension
of some or all of their business activities
in Russia at the start of the conict. Social
media platforms blocked access to Russian
state media from their sites. Facebook and
Instagram removed Russian state media from
their platforms in Europe, whereas Google
dropped Kremlin content from Google News.
Some Big Tech companies went a step further,
providing tactical support to Ukraine on the
physical and cyber battleelds. In the early
days of the conict, Microsoft reportedly
worked with the Ukrainian government to
transfer important digital operations and
data to the cloud within 10 weeks. They also
provided cybersecurity services to protect
Ukrainian critical infrastructure from cyber-
attacks. Google supported Ukraine’s efforts
to protect civilians on the ground when they
disabled some live features on their Maps
applications in Ukraine to protect the safety
of local communities, and introduced a rapid
Air Raid Alerts system for Android phones in
Ukraine, at the request of, and with the help of
the Ukrainian government.
The impact of these moves has not been
insignicant. In response to Meta’s move
to restrict access to Russian media on their
platforms, both Facebook and Instagram have
been banned by Russia. According to reports,
this could have cost Meta close to US$2 billion
in revenue. Despite these potential revenue
losses, Big Tech companies continue to play
a key role in the Russia-Ukraine conict,
demonstrating an unprecedented willingness
to support a geopolitical cause – even if it
comes at a short-term cost to their bottom
line.
IMPLICATIONS
By deciding what capabilities to supply
and to whom, Big Tech has demonstrated
that they too can have an independent
voice on the international stage, and
can play a part in shaping geopolitical
and wartime developments. However,
this raises the question of who in these
Big Tech companies makes these
decisions – whether it is the CEO, the
shareholders, or even the employees. As
the size of Big Tech companies continue
to grow, so too will their inuence and
impact on future cyber conicts and the
global cyber landscape.
GLOBAL TRENDS IN 2022
GLOBAL TRENDS IN 2022