测试猜答：火试炼视角
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"火试炼：猜测的一种视角"
这篇论文"火试炼：猜测的一种视角"由Jonathan R. Brown撰写，发表在1992年1月的《心理学在学校》第29卷上，探讨了在测试中猜测正确答案这一统计学概念对解读测试分数的直接影响。文章指出，许多已发布的测试并未考虑猜测因素，而这一点在美国最近的联邦立法和全球教育服务识别高风险儿童的规定中显得尤为重要。
作者强调，儿童可能仅凭偶然就能取得正常范围内的分数，这导致测试成绩无法准确反映他们的实际能力。因此，该论文有两个主要目标：（a）描述一个随机猜测的过程，来估计一个“真实的盲目猜测分数”（分数范围），如果知道这个范围，就能减少漏识别的风险儿童；（b）使测试管理员意识到那些未处理或可能有可疑猜测答案修正的测试，提高他们对这一问题的敏感度。
在教育评估中，测试结果的重要性不言而喻。文章可能进一步讨论了如何通过统计方法来量化猜测在测试中的作用，以及如何调整测试设计以减少猜测带来的影响。此外，它可能还涉及了如何改进测试评分系统，以便更准确地评估学生的真实能力，特别是在识别那些可能需要额外教育支持的学生时。
在当前的教育环境中，理解和分析猜测在测试分数中的作用是至关重要的，因为它关系到教育资源的分配和高风险学生的早期干预。通过对猜测策略的深入理解，教育工作者和政策制定者能够更公正、更有效地评估学生的学术表现，从而提供更精准的教育服务。
Psychologv
in
the
Schools
Volume
29,
January
1992
TRIAL BY FIRE: ONE PERSPECTIVE FOR GUESSING
JONATHAN
R.
BROWN
State University
of
New
York
Guessing correct answers to test items is a statistical concept that has direct impact
when interpreting test
scores.
Many published tests, however, do not account for guess-
ing. This is an important issue in view of recent federal legislation in the United States
and global attention mandating the provision
of
identification of at-risk children
for
educational services. Children may score within a normal range by chance alone,
resulting in test scores that are not sensitive. The purpose of this paper, therefore,
is: (a) to describe one process, random guessing,
for
estimating a “true blind guess-
ing score” (range
of
scores) that, if known, would result in missing fewer at-risk
children; and
(b)
to
sensitize test administrators to tests that do not address
or
may
have suspicious corrections for guessing answers on tests.
We have all taken tests and have all become discerning to the outcome of test results.
Probably no better example in American history
of
just how important test outcome
may be is provided by the brutality and hysteria of the Salem witch scare about
300
years ago. It began in the home
of
Reverend Samuel Paris, minister of the local Puritan
church. During a long and lonely winter, several young girls listened to supernatural
stories by a black servant from Barbados named Tituba. Later that winter a number
of the girls became ill and were diagnosed by the local physician, Dr. Griggs, as being
bewitched. The girls named Tituba, Sara Good (“the town hag”), and Sarah Osbourne
(a lady who had lived with a man out
of
wedlock before marrying him) as the cause.
Witchcraft was
a
crime of conscience, a declaration of enmity toward God. Witches
were condemned by tribunals for sin, not for crime (Franklyn,
1971;
Max,
1970).
The
administration
of
a test to detect
a
witch began by an accusation from a “respectable”
member of the community. Those who were women, Black, poor, single, and quar-
relsome were most often found to be witches. People who were associated with a fire
going out upon entering a room, owned a black dog, loved animals, had bodily scars,
sank to the bottom
of
a pond (fully clothed) rather than floating, or lived in a
neighborhood when a cow stopped giving milk were,
if
accused, most often found to
be witches. By
1330,600
women were reported to have been burned to death in Europe
for failing the test. Whereas tests
for
witches were discriminately administered
to
associate
unfortunate chance occurrences in the community with the behaviors of select people,
today we administer and interpret tests more carefully, using highly scientific principles
to identify populations for educational intervention. Or do we?
According to the joint committee of the American Educational Research Associa-
tion (AERA), the American Psychology Association (APA), and the National Council
on
Measurement in Education (NCME), a test is
a
set of tasks or questions intended
to elicit specific types of behaviors to yield scores with desirable psychometric proper-
ties (AERA, APA,
&
NCME,
1985).
It is estimated that children attending America’s
public schools take more than
250
million standardized tests each year (Salvia
&
Ysseldyke,
1988).
Requests
for
reprints should be sent to Jonathan
R.
Brown, Center for Educational Studies, State University
of New York, Fredonia,
NY
14063.
71
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